မိူင်းတီႇမေႃးပွတ်းဝၼ်းဢွၵ်ႇ
(လုၵ်ႉတီး တီႇမေႃးပွတ်းဝၼ်းဢွၵ်ႇ ၼႆႈသေ ၶိုၼ်းပိၼ်ႇဝၢႆႇမႃး)
မိူင်းၸွမ်ပွင်ၸိုင်ႈ တီႇမေႃးပွတ်းဝၼ်းဢွၵ်ႇ
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ၶေႃႈၶၼ်ပၢၵ်ႇ: Unidade, Acção, Progresso (Portuguese) Unidade, Asaun, Progresu (Tetum) (ဢိင်းၵလဵတ်ႈ: "Unity, Action, Progress") | |||||
| ၾၢႆႇ:Imor Leste (orthographic projection).svg | |||||
| ဝဵင်းငဝ်ႈၸိုင်ႈ လႄႈ ဝဵင်းယႂ်ႇသေပိူၼ်ႈ |
Dili 8°33′S 125°34′E / 8.55°S 125.56°Eၵူဝ်ႇဢေႃးတိၼဵတ်ႉ: 8°33′S 125°34′E / 8.55°S 125.56°E | ||||
| ၽႃႇသႃႇၵႂၢမ်း ၸႂ်ႉၼႂ်းလုမ်း | |||||
| National languages | |||||
| လွင်ႈၵိူဝ်းယမ် |
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| Demonym | |||||
| မဵဝ်းမိူင်း | Unitary semi-presidential constitutional republic[3][4][5] | ||||
| လူင်ပွင်ၸိုင်ႈ | |||||
• ၸွမ်ပွင်ၸိုင်ႈ | José Ramos-Horta | ||||
• ၸွမ်ၽွင်းလူင် | José Maria Vasconcelos | ||||
| တႄႇတင်ႈ | |||||
• ပိုၼ်ၽၢဝ်ႇလွတ်ႈလႅဝ်းသဝ်းၶေႃ (တီႈ ပေႃးတူႉၵၢဝ်ႇ) | 1975၊ ၼူဝ်ႇဝႅမ်ႇပႃႇ 28 | ||||
• မၵ်းမၼ်ႈ လွတ်ႈလႅဝ်းသဝ်းၶေႃ | 2002၊ မေႇ 20 | ||||
| ႁူဝ်ၼပ်ႉၵူၼ်း | |||||
• 2019 လၢမ်း | 1,387,149 [6] (ၸၼ်ႉ - 155th) | ||||
• 2015 သဵၼ်ႈမၢႆႁူဝ်ႁိူၼ်း | 1,183,643[7] | ||||
| GDP (PPP) | လၢမ်း 2019 | ||||
• ႁူမ်ႈ | $7.221 billion | ||||
• Per capita | $5,561[8] | ||||
| GDP (nominal) | လၢမ်း2019 | ||||
• ႁူမ်ႈ | $3.145 billion | ||||
• Per capita | $2,422[8] | ||||
| HDI (2018) |
0.626[9] ၵၢင် · 131st | ||||
| ငိုၼ်းတွင်း | United States dollarb (USD) | ||||
| ၶၢဝ်းယၢမ်းၼႃႈလိၼ် | (UTC+9) | ||||
| ပိူင်သၢႆလူတ်ႉ | မိုဝ်းသၢႆႉ | ||||
| ၶူတ်ႉတႄႇလီႇၾူင်း | +670 | ||||
| ၶူတ်ႉISO 3166 | TL | ||||
| Internet TLD | .tlc | ||||
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ၽိုၼ်ဢိင်
[မႄးထတ်း | မႄးထတ်းငဝ်ႈငႃႇ]- ↑ Hicks, David (15 September 2014). Rhetoric and the Decolonization and Recolonization of East Timor. Routledge. ISBN 9781317695356.
- ↑ Adelman, Howard (28 June 2011). No Return, No Refuge: Rites and Rights in Minority Repatriation. Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231526906.
- ↑ Shoesmith, Dennis (March–April 2003). "Timor-Leste: Divided Leadership in a Semi-Presidential System". Asian Survey 43 (2): 231–252. doi:. ISSN 0004-4687. OCLC 905451085. “The semi-presidential system in the new state of Timor-Leste has institutionalized a political struggle between the president, Xanana Gusmão, and the prime minister, Mari Alkatiri. This has polarized political alliances and threatens the viability of the new state. This paper explains the ideological divisions and the history of rivalry between these two key political actors. The adoption of Marxism by Fretilin in 1977 led to Gusmão's repudiation of the party in the 1980s and his decision to remove Falintil, the guerrilla movement, from Fretilin control. The power struggle between the two leaders is then examined in the transition to independence. This includes an account of the politicization of the defense and police forces and attempts by Minister of Internal Administration Rogério Lobato to use disaffected Falintil veterans as a counterforce to the Gusmão loyalists in the army. The December 4, 2002, Dili riots are explained in the context of this political struggle.”
- ↑ "Between Constitutional Diffusion and Local Politics: Semi-Presidentialism in Portuguese-Speaking Countries" (2010). APSA 2010 Annual Meeting Paper. Retrieved on 25 August 2017.
- ↑ Beuman, Lydia M. (2016). Political Institutions in East Timor: Semi-Presidentialism and Democratisation. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. ISBN 978-1317362128. OCLC 983148216. Retrieved on 18 August 2017.
- ↑ ထႅမ်းပလဵတ်ႉ:"Archived copy" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 12 April 2019. Retrieved 20 January 2019.
- ↑ Population by Age & Sex. Government of Timor-Leste (25 October 2015). Archived from the original on 25 January 2020။ Retrieved on 29 January 2020။
- ↑ 8.0 8.1 Report for Selected Countries and Subjects. Retrieved on 4 May 2019။
- ↑ Human Development Indices and Indicators: 2018 Statistical update. United Nations Development Programme (15 September 2018). Retrieved on 15 September 2018။